Parliament no longer a ‘rubber stamp’ for Government

Sep 01, 2013 AFC Column, Features / Columnists

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By Dominic Gaskin
Those capable of blissfully ignoring the entire spectrum of colours, as well as multiple shades of grey, will inevitably see all things as either black or white.  This limited perspective clearly cannot depict the range of options available to those with full vision.  It is within this range of options, absent in the black-and-white politics of Guyana for so many decades, that the unbiased realities of this country will someday have to be seen – sooner rather than later.

This, of course, represents dangerous thinking to those accustomed to using stark, simple and incomplete portrayals of complex matters in order to maintain sufficient levels of distrust between Guyana’s two major ethnic communities.   The solid six-figure support bases must never be softened by the hues and shades of moderation that might provide the basis for better understanding.
So, for nearly five decades, the nation’s development has been subordinated to the objective of defending either constituency from political domination by the other. Keeping this threat alive and well presents an easy platform for political leaders who lack the capacity to improve the lives of their constituents, but wish to remain relevant.
Change is not always an overnight process, but fortunately there are a number of factors which are slowly emerging, that provide a glimmer of hope for the future of our country.
Our periodic elections, though not perfect, do largely reflect the wishes of those who bother to vote.  It is not insignificant, therefore, that the party which has held power for over two decades has experienced a steady decline in electoral votes since 2001.  With a total of 209,031 votes in those elections, it slipped to 183,887 in 2006, and further to 166,340 in 2011.   This pattern of decline is consistent in every region of the country except in Region 9 (Upper Takutu-Upper Essequibo), where it would appear the PPP-C managed to swing some former TUF voters in 2011.
Notwithstanding reductions in voter turnout and registered voters, in 2006 and 2011 respectively, the numbers do show a dwindling support for the ruling party.  Given their huge advantage over the opposition in terms of resources and access to constituents, the PPP-C cannot help but acknowledge the sizable rejection this represents.  This rejection ought to signal to them that the days of blind race voting are numbered, and they can expect to pay heavily for their continued corrupt and inept governance.   We are witnessing a shift towards performance-based assessments at the polls, and this is a welcome sign.
Then there are the, somewhat dated, population census results, which show the Indo-Guyanese population diminishing from 52% in 1980 to 43% in 2002, with the ‘mixed race’ and Amerindian populations picking up the slack, and Afro-Guyanese unchanged at 30% of our population at both counts.
The results of the last census have not yet been released, but the likelihood of further increases in the Amerindian and mixed race populations is strong, and if this comes at the expense of our Indo-Guyanese more than our Afro-Guyanese population levels, then this is where its political impact will be felt.
What hope would this provide for Guyana?
A strong argument can be made that such a shift in our demography would help to level the ethnic playing field, thereby reducing reliance on race as a means of winning elections, and placing greater emphasis on performance.   It would also reduce the “shoe-in” syndrome, and add meaning to our elections with the real possibility of a change of government every five years – an essential feature of any modern democracy.
A third factor is youth.  With each new generation, Guyanese voters are another step removed from the memories of those who have seen bad days, and feel obliged to prepare their descendants for another round of troubles.  Our youth apparently do not wish to be burdened with the bitterness of past conflicts.  And why should they?
Incomplete tales are no substitute for proper education.  Younger Guyanese are less prone than before to buy into the lop-sided versions of our country’s history, designed to keep them divided.  They have more in common these days; including, unfortunately, a determination to leave Guyana forever.  Who can blame them?  In any event, their votes can no longer be taken for granted by any party, and with thirty percent of eligible voters under the age of thirty, our politicians will have to find newer ways of appealing to this large section of our population.  Their realities need to be addressed and this cannot be done in a black-and-white setting.
The Alliance For Change, having joined the political fray with its 28,000 and 35,000 votes in the 2006 and 2011 national elections respectively, is also a contributor to the slow change that is unfolding.   The presence of a credible third party is a healthy development in our national politics.  The National Assembly is no longer a rubber stamp for any majority government inevitably resulting from two-party contests.
The current unprecedented levels of disclosure of government business emerging from discussions in the National Assembly must surely be a positive thing for a country accustomed to having very little available information.  Guyanese are now faced with an alternative to the black-and-white political discussions, where an emphatic yes is confronted by an equally emphatic no, and in the ensuing gridlock the nation loses.  Sensible compromises can now be reached and, more importantly, showcased to the public as a new way of getting things done.  This may take some getting used to, since compromise has not often featured in our politics.  In fact, it has become something we are only able to achieve with the aid of high-paid foreign mediators.   This ought not to be, and if we cannot find home-grown solutions to home-grown problems then we are in a state of failed independence.
The AFC has faced an uphill battle in seeking to establish itself permanently on Guyana’s political scene, and this will most likely continue for some time.  As mentioned earlier, anything that challenges the binary thinking of our political behemoths will not sit well in certain circles, and no effort will be spared in cloaking these alternatives with suspicion and negativity.  The party will therefore have to rely on the public to understand and embrace our enhanced parliamentary arrangement, and the opportunities it presents for checks and balances, as well as political compromise.
The AFC believes that the silent majority of the Guyanese public is capable of separating rhetoric from results, as well as understanding the party’s positions and rationale.  The challenge, as with any political party, will be to get the message out.  This challenge is compounded by the need to modify positions in the face of new developments and information – a need superfluous to parties whose intransigence on most issues is not affected by changes in circumstances.  There will always be instances when the Party’s message will be drowned out by louder and more frequent voices.  However, in its actions the AFC will continue to prioritize long-term national interests over short-term political interests, and will prove itself over time to be a reliable partner of the people of Guyana.

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