Guyana’s war on drugs

Jan 13, 2026 Editorial, News

---

Kaieteur News – The United States Government’s 2025 International Narcotics Control Strategy Report (INCSR) offers Guyana a blunt diagnosis: despite unprecedented oil wealth, high poverty levels, low-paying public sector jobs, weak institutions and corruption continue to make the country attractive to drug traffickers. At the same time, local authorities, particularly the Customs Anti-Narcotics Unit (CANU) point to tangible gains in seizures, convictions, intelligence capacity and regional cooperation. Between these two narratives lies an uncomfortable truth: Guyana is fighting harder than before, but the structural conditions that fuel the narcotics trade remain largely intact.

There is no disputing that Guyana has become a major transshipment point for cocaine, nor that 2024 and 2025 marked watershed years in enforcement activity. The seizure of more than four metric tonnes of cocaine at an airstrip near the Venezuelan border, followed by the interception of a semi-submersible vessel carrying 2.3 metric tonnes off Guyana’s coast, represented the largest drug busts in the country’s history. These operations carried out with strong US cooperation pushed cocaine seizures from a paltry 62 kilograms in early 2023 to over 6,700 kilograms by September 2024.

Yesterday CANU reported that an estimated GYD $433.9 million in narcotics was removed from circulation. The agency seized 235.9 kg of cocaine, 726.3 kg of cannabis, and smaller but concerning quantities of ecstasy and methamphetamine. Sixty-two persons were charged, 29 convictions secured, and fines climbed as high as $311 million, with prison sentences reaching four years. Thirteen firearms were also seized, half of them directly linked to narcotics operations, reinforcing the dangerous nexus between drugs and violent crime.

Beyond seizures, CANU’s narrative is one of institutional maturation. Intelligence-driven interdiction, improved port and border targeting, deeper collaboration with the Guyana Police Force and Defence Force, and expanded partnerships with regional and international agencies all signal a shift from reactive policing to strategic disruption. The launch of Guyana’s National Early Warning System in 2025 is particularly significant, positioning the country to detect and respond to emerging synthetic drug threats before they gain a foothold. Prevention and demand-reduction programmes reached over 5,600 beneficiaries, mostly in schools, while officers received specialised training in intelligence, forensics and maritime operations.

Yet the US Government’s concerns cut deeper than seizure statistics. The INCSR makes clear that poverty and underpaid public servants, including law enforcement and customs officers remain a central vulnerability. Corruption, bribery and nepotism continue to undermine investigations, with charges often dropped, cases poorly prepared, and traffickers evading prosecution. The report’s reference to four GDF officers charged with trafficking over 200 kilograms of cannabis is a sobering reminder that the security forces themselves are not immune to the lure of the drug economy.

This is the contradiction at the heart of Guyana’s anti-drug campaign. On one hand, authorities insist the country is no longer content to be a “convenient corridor” and is asserting itself as a regional disruptor. On the other, the economic appeal of trafficking remains powerful in a society where many struggle to see tangible benefits from the oil boom. When public sector wages lag, oversight is weak, and the legal system is slow or compromised, traffickers find willing collaborators and exploitable gaps.

Robeson Benn when he was home affairs minister had repeatedly argued that Guyana is not the marketplace for drugs but a transit point caught in the crosshairs of transnational crime. That may be true, but being a transit point does not absolve the state of responsibility. Transit countries often suffer the worst consequences: corruption, violence, eroded institutions and communities pulled into criminal networks. The rising overlap between drug trafficking and firearms, even as ammunition seizures decline, should set off alarm bells.

The way forward is not merely more seizures, but deeper reform. The US recommendations: stronger port security, enhanced intelligence operations, tougher anti-corruption measures and stiffer sentencing are not new, but they are urgent. Paying public servants, a living wage, insulating investigators and prosecutors from political interference, and ensuring cases are properly pursued through the courts are just as critical as maritime patrols and radar systems.

CANU’s progress shows what is possible when resources, training and political backing align. But isolated agency success cannot compensate for systemic weakness. If Guyana truly intends to move from being a vulnerable corridor to a resilient disruptor, it must confront the uncomfortable reality that poverty, inequality and corruption are as central to the drug problem as boats, planes and border crossings. Until then, the war on drugs will remain a battle of impressive victories shadowed by persistent risk.

---

• Customs Anti-Narcotics, Drug traffickers, Guyana, local authorities, Narcotics Control Strategy, The seizure, tonnes of cocaine

---