Analysis of the votes in the Canje area

Sep 28, 2025 Letters

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Dear Editor,

In continuation of my earlier letter on the 2025 elections, I wish to share some observations on voting patterns in the Canje area, with a focus on the communities from Canefield to Enterprise, which fall under that local NDC.

This area is of interest because of the Government’s decision to spend billions during the last term to reopen the Rose Hall Sugar Estate, which is located in this district and at the same time creating over 1,000 jobs. The expectation, therefore, was that the governing party’s performance in the 2025 elections would have reflected stronger voter support in this traditional sugar area for the PPP because of these massive investments.  But the evidence illustrates that it was not to be and we must find out why the PPP lost 6% of its popular votes in this area.

In 2015, some 3,559 persons voted in this area. By 2025, that number increased by 849, bringing the total to 4,408 valid votes cast. The table below provides a comparative breakdown:

VOTING PATTERN IN CANJE (CANEFIELD-ENTERPRISE)

	APNU+AFC	PPPC	Others	Total Valid
2025 GEN (votes)	208	3,567	633	4,408
2025 GEN %	4.7%	80.9%	14.4%	100.0%
2015 GEN %	13.2%	86.8%	0.0%	100.0%

The data reveals three key developments:

1. APNU+AFC’s decline: In 2015, the coalition secured 13.2% of the votes in Canje. By 2025, its share fell to 4.7%, (adding both APNU and AFC votes), representing a sharp decline (64% decline) in its local support base.
2. PPPC’s reduced share in the 100%: Despite reopening the estate and making significant investments in the area, the PPPC’s vote share fell by approximately 6% over the same period, from 86.8% in 2015 to 80.9% in 2025.
3. Emergence of a third force: A new political party, WIN, secured 14.4% of the vote despite being relatively new to the political landscape (only 3 months old). This signals growing appetite among sections of the electorate for alternatives to the PNC and PPP.  Also, the WIN Team did not only score their support the PNC traditional supporters in the Canje area, but also from the PPP support base.

These results suggest that while investments in the sugar sector brought more voters to the polls, it did not translate into increased percentage support for the governing party (the PPP). Instead, there appears to be a measure of voter dissatisfaction or disengagement that both major political parties must reflect on, and creates an opportunity for other political forces.

For the PPPC, the question arises: why, despite heavy investments, has electoral support not grown in appropriate proportions? For APNU+AFC, the results reinforce the need that party to rebuild trust and reconnect with these Canje communities where support has waned because of their poor reputation associated with the public attempt to “rig” the 2020 elections. The emergence of WIN underscores the fact that new political players can resonate with voters when traditional parties do not fully meet expectations.

Looking ahead to 2030, the lesson is clear: spending of taxpayers’ money alone is not sufficient enough to secure political loyalty. Cash Grants do not work, more opportunities to secure a better standard of living is what the PPP has failed to do. Too much of the money spent by the PPP went to opening new opportunities for too few people, this Canje less is teaching us. Voters are looking for better services, improved job opportunities, reliable GPL services, better water services and stronger community engagement at the local level. The Government officials only appear to listen to these voters at Elections time. The poor attempt at addressing local issues like domestic violence are good reasons for women to vote against the PPP in the Canje area.

Politically, the performance of the NDC which is dominated by the PPP and the RDC which is also dominated by the PPP can be two of the reasons for this decline in percentage support for the PPP in the area.  But additionally, the poor political representation offered by Minister Zulfikar Mustapha and Minister Ashni Singh who were the Parliamentary representative for Corentyne between 2020-2025, can also be an explanation vs what someone like Mr. Gobin Haribhajan and Dr. Ramaya are offering as representation to the people during that same period.

Addressing these concerns in a comprehensive way—whether through a dedicated Canje redevelopment plan that is people-centered and conceived using a bottom-up approach or improved representation at the local, regional and Ministerial levels—will be essential if the PPP wish to build lasting trust in this key constituency and regain full confidence by 2030.  What is clear is that Minister Zulfikar Mustapha or Minister Ashni Singh cannot be considered as replacement for President Irfaan Ali in 2030 because of their unimpactful performance in East Berbice during 2020-2025 period.  This reality translates to them being unelectable as a Presidential Candidate as compared to Dr Irfaan Ali or let is say a Mr. Robert Persaud in 2030.

One the other hand, it appears that the PNC (APNU) faith is now sealed in these areas where the PPP has strong support and with good reasons. Their performance at representing these areas remains extremely poor.  Further their public attempt to “rig” the 2020 elections are also adding up to an outcome of a lack of momentum for the PNC/APNU in these areas.  This can translate to the PNC led APNU losing the opportunity from now at winning the 2030 elections and may do even worse than it did in 2025.

In the case of the WIN party, they have momentum but it is too early to make any prediction on them since we have to observe their representation in and out of the National Assembly on behalf of the people.  Will they implode like the Forward Guyana Movement with their petty squabbles or will they deepen their discipline with and eye on the prize in 2030?

Interesting days ahead for Guyana.

Sincerely,
Surujdai Juglall

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• analysis, Canefield, Canje, Enterprise, votes

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