Elections 2025 in Suriname

May 30, 2025 Letters

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Dear Editor

On May 25, 2025 elections were held in neighbouring Suriname. Fourteen political parties contested the elections held in all ten districts of Suriname.

The candidates from the two main parties were Chandrikapersad Santokhi, of the ruling Progressive Reform Party (VHP) having won the 2020 election.

The Progressive Reform Party (VHP), an Indo-Surinamese party founded in 1947 by Jaggernath Lachmon, a Surinamese politician, who served as President of the VHP until his death in 2001.

The main opposition party is the National Democratic Party (NDP) led by Jennifer Geerlings-Simons. The party was founded in 1987 by Dési Bouterse, and is one of the first parties in the country to have a stable base of support across different ethnic groups.

Other contesting parties were: The National Party Suriname (NPS); The General Liberation and Development Party (ABOP); Arena Political Party (APP); The Party for Communication (PVC) OPTSU; Alternatief 2020 (A20); The Pertjajah Luhur (PL); People’s Party; Leefbaar; VLS);De Nieuwe Leeuw (DNL); Brotherhood and Unity in Politics (BEP); Democratic Union Suriname (DUS) Democratic; Alternative ’91.

Massive billboards displaying the faces of leading party candidates with their corresponding number on the ballot paper were mounted all over Paramaribo while flags bearing the colours of the contesting political parties were visible at every nook and cranny of the city. Under Suriname’s PR electoral system, a political party can name candidates in each of the ten electoral districts to contest against candidates of other parties. The hope is to garner as many votes as possible to win that electoral district for their party.

Depending on which party candidate gets the most votes, that person may contest within their own party to be the party’s presidential candidate and later, for the post of president of the country at the first sitting of the Surinamese National Assembly since it is the Parliament that elects the President of the Republic.

However, should the National Assembly end up being a ‘Hung Assembly’ then the district representatives who were also elected at the just concluded election (each elector is by law allowed to vote twice on two separate ballot paper; one for party to send representatives to the National Assembly and secondly, another to serve as a district representative). It is the latter, who will be called upon in the case of a ‘Hung Assembly’ to elect a President along with 51 members of the National Assembly.

With a change in the Surinamese electoral system, this year’s elections were held under the PR or proportional representation system (as in the case of Guyana). Previously, general elections in Suriname were conducted using the (ten) constituency electoral arrangement, more or less akin to the Constituency electoral system as obtains in other CARICOM member states.

In 2022, the Constitutional Court of Suriname held that the constituency system was outdated and unconstitutional, citing unequal voting power among districts. As a result of the ruling, all 51 seats in the National Assembly were up for election from the whole of Suriname that is now one constituency. In the circumstances, electors in the just concluded elections cast their ballots for party lists, not individual candidates.

Elections Day was peaceful. Long lines of voters were seen outside polling stations Persons dressed in party colours were allowed to vote and building housing polling stations were bedecked with the different party flags. Political parties had colorful booths mounted just a few feet away from polling stations. The vote count took place at polling stations in the presence of party representatives. There were no commotions. Seats in the National Assembly are allocated to parties in proportion to the total number of votes they would have received nationwide.

The new electoral system was officially approved by the National Assembly in October 2023.

Up to the time of writing, seats have been allocated as follows:

The Progressive Reform Party (VHP); 17

The National Democratic Party

(NDP):18

The General Liberation and Development Party (ABOB): 6

The National Party of Suriname (NPS) : 6

Pertjaha Luhur (PL): 2

Alernatief 2020 (A20):1

Brotherhood and Unity Party (BEP): 1

According to Suriname’s constitution, 26 seats are needed to govern Suriname

According to reports A Coalition government based on deal making began long before May 2025. Together they have 34 seats. A six-party coalition amongst the parties that won seats has been established leaving out the Indo-Surinamese who constitute 27.4% of the total population, making them the largest ethnic group in Suriname. Any political or social scientist would draw certain conclusions from this outcome.

Some of the parties in the new coalition under the leadership of the NDP were in Santokhi’s government in the first years of his administration but owing to differences on policy matters, claims of unacceptable personality traits, allegations of corruption and drug trafficking against holders of public office, many left and eventually gravitated towards the NDP. But it was more the persuasive and negotiating skills of Geerlings-Simons that brought those disillusioned with the VHP over to an alliance with NDP. In the circumstances, Geerlings-Simons is likely to be the first woman President of Suriname.

On the economic front, Suriname entered into 36-month International Monetary Fund (IMF) extended Fund Facility that was approved by the IMF Executive Board in December 2021.

According to a report by an IMF team who held discussions with the Surinamese authorities during February, 2025, agreement was reached on what was described as; ‘a staff-level agreement on the ninth and final review of the authorities’ Economic Recovery Programme (ERP), supported by the Extended Fund Facility (EFF). The review is subject to approval by the IMF’s Executive Board if approved, by the said body. Suriname would have access to about USD 61.3 million (SDR 46.8 million).’

According to the IMF, the Santokhi administration faced a number of challenges during its term in office including; ‘underperformance of non-tax revenues and overspending on electricity subsidies. The government also had to support rice farmers that lost their crops due to drought. The challenges notwithstanding, the VHP according to the IMF; ‘achieved the broad objectives of the programme.’

The IMF funded ERP and implemented by the Santokhi administration ‘was at aimed at debt restructuring, consequential austerity measures, and tenders for high-profile infrastructure projects that were riddled with allegations of corruption, all of which helped weaken his party’s popularity in the country. ‘

The challenges notwithstanding, the IMF reported that ‘Economic growth is projected to reach 3 percent this year (2025), inflation is on a steady downward trend, donor support is increasing, investor confidence is returning, international reserves are stable, public debt is declining, the autonomy and governance of the central bank have been strengthened, and now at comfortable levels.’ According to the Fund; ‘The authorities’ main near-term policy priority is to maintain fiscal discipline in the run up to the elections while protecting the vulnerable.’

 

The incoming NDP administration will have to decide on the future of its relations with the IMF considering the observations made by the IMF that; ‘the authorities face important near-term risks, including capacity constraints and policy implementation challenges reflecting the increasingly difficult socio-political environment.‘ Furthermore, the incoming NDP coalition administration will have to consider the IMF’s call that; ‘Stronger efforts are needed to address the challenges in the execution of the social beneficiary program to ensure the benefits reach the intended beneficiaries, particularly in the country’s interior regions.’

Among key measures recommended by the IMF that the new government will have taken on board is; ‘the Surinamese authorities should promptly implement the recently completed strategic plan to enhance the effectiveness of social protection with the support of development partners…and with the banking system.”

The Fund went further suggesting that ‘The authorities need to push ahead with their ambitious structural reform agenda to strengthen institutions and governance. With the support of the IMF.’

Furthermore, the incoming coalition government will now have to take note of the Fund’s recommendation that ‘the amendment should be promptly enacted and implemented’ and that ‘Transparency of public official’s asset holdings would lessen the vulnerability to corruption that comes with the massive oil revenues.’ The IMF observed that; ‘It is also very important to work towards getting the suspension lifted from the Extractive Industries Transparency Initiative.”

Also, the incoming coalition administration will have to keep in mind the IMF’s suggestion that; ‘Broader structural reforms are necessary to increase efficiency, transparency, and accountability in the energy sector.’

Unless skillfully managed by the new government, the on-going IMF driven economic and social reforms are likely to cause some unease amongst the Suriname populace

The electoral setback notwithstanding, outgoing VHP administration should be commended for leaving behind a healthy economy since according to the IMF mission; ‘Suriname’s medium-term outlook has improved significantly with the announcement of the final investment decision (FID) paving the way for offshore oil production beginning in 2028.’

The Fund commended the outgoing Santokhi administration for making ‘important steps towards amending the anti-corruption legal framework to strengthen the income and asset provision for politically exposed persons.’

In the final analysis, the VHP paid the price for swallowing the bitter medicine of IMF’s ERP. This was reflected in the formation of the seven-party anti-VHP alliance.

The economic and fiscal considerations aside, it seems to me that there is a much larger and geo-strategic question here. It has to do with what some view as the ‘Democratic Wave’ within CARICOM with the coming to power of the UNC in Trinidad and Tobago, the unexpected return to office of NDP with its allies in Suriname and the likely re-election of PPP/C to office in Guyana.

The coalition of anti-VHP forces in Suriname has reinforced the democratic ‘Electoral Wave’ which had emerged and existed for a short while in CARICOM beginning with the victory of Kamla Bissessar in T&T, Irfaan Ali in Guyana and Chandraprasad Santokhi in Suriname.

Had the VHP been re-elected in Suriname and with an imminent victory of the PPP/C in Guyana as a result of free and fair elections in the three CARICOM members states, the ‘democratic wave’ in CARICOM would have been be further consolidated.

Yours faithfully,

Clement J . Rohee

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