Why the PPP/C is so paranoid about the emergence of small parties

Sep 27, 2024 Features / Columnists

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Kaieteur News – It has been one of the paradoxes of history that the leaders of left-wing parties typically have emerged from the middle class and the petit-bourgeois class. Working class parties typically but not exclusively derive their leadership from the ranks of the middle class, including persons from the proletariat that have graduated to that class.

Karl Marx, the father of communism, was born into a relatively affluent middle-class family in Trier, Prussia (now Germany). His father was a lawyer, and Marx studied law and philosophy at university before turning to revolutionary theory. Despite advocating for the proletariat (working class), Marx himself was not from that class.

Vladimir Lenin, the leader of the Russian Revolution and founder of the Soviet Union, came from a middle-class family. His father was a school inspector and nobleman. Lenin was well-educated, having studied law before becoming involved in revolutionary activities.

Fidel Castro, the Cuban revolutionary leader came from a wealthy farming family. His father owned a large sugar plantation, and Castro attended elite schools before becoming a lawyer. Despite his upper-middle-class background, Castro led a socialist revolution on behalf of Cuba’s working class. Mao Zedong, the founding father of the People’s Republic of China, was born into a prosperous peasant family. His family’s wealth, derived from land ownership, placed him in a higher social standing than most peasants, although he later joined revolutionary movements advocating for the working class and rural poor.

Che Guevara, the famous Argentine Marxist revolutionary, who played a key role in the Cuban Revolution, was born into a middle-class family. He studied medicine before becoming involved in radical politics. His background in the educated, professional class contrasts with the guerrilla warfare he led in support of the working class.

Salvador Allende, the Chilean president and socialist leader came from a middle-class background. He studied medicine and became involved in politics, eventually leading the Popular Unity government in Chile until the 1973 military coup. His professional and social status placed him far from the proletariat.

This trend has arisen because middle-class individuals often have greater access to education, political discourse, and organizational resources, making them more likely to emerge as leaders, even in movements aimed at representing the working class.  Also, middle class individuals seek greater political representation and many of them assume the role of political leaders.

In today’s neo-liberal age, left wing politics no longer has the same degree of fixation with the middle class and the petit-bourgeois class. But this has not quelled the political ambitions of persons within these classes, and indeed these classes themselves continue to agitate for greater representation within the political structure. The appetite of the middle class and petit-bourgeois class for political representation remains strong. These classes feel increasingly squeezed between the ultra-wealthy elite and a growing, precarious working class. The middle and petit bourgeois classes, often well-educated and politically aware, remain deeply invested in political power, even when the ruling parties are neo-liberal in orientation such as what exists in Guyana. As such, they continue to agitate for not just a voice, but space, within the political structure.

Guyana is a deeply ethnically polarised country, with its two dominant political parties—the People’s Progressive Party (PPP) and the People’s National Congress/Reform (PNC/R)—largely aligned with the country’s two main ethnic groups, Indo-Guyanese and African-Guyanese, respectively. For decades, elections have been characterised by ethnic voting patterns, where the bulk of the Indo-Guyanese population supports the PPP, while the African-Guyanese predominantly back the PNC. This ethnic divide has limited the space for multi-ethnic, issue-based politics, forcing individuals, particularly from the middle and petit-bourgeois classes, to align with one of the two major parties, even if their interests and concerns transcend ethnic loyalties. The ethnic polarization has created a binary political choice, where economic and social policies often take a back seat to the politics of identity.

However, there is now an emerging and growing middle and petit-bourgeois class in Guyana that is increasingly seeking political representation beyond the traditional ethnic lines of the PPP and PNC. This trend has fueled the rise of smaller parties, most notably the Alliance for Change (AFC). The AFC initially garnered significant support from a cross-section of ethnic groups, positioning itself as an alternative to the entrenched ethnic divisions. While most of the smaller parties have since disappeared, this shift reflects the political ambitions of a middle and petit-bourgeois class that wants a more inclusive, issue-driven political discourse, free from the constraints of ethnic polarization. Their continued growth and push for representation suggest that Guyana’s political structure is slowly evolving, though challenges remain in breaking away from entrenched ethnic allegiances.

The emergence of smaller parties in Guyana has been viewed by the ruling People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) as a direct threat to its long-standing stranglehold on power. The PPP/C relies heavily on maintaining ethnic politics to ensure its electoral survival, as it fears that a shift toward multi-ethnic, issue-driven politics could weaken the ethnic loyalties that have traditionally secured its hold on power.

The smaller parties challenge the entrenched ethnic-based politics that have historically bolstered the PPP/C’s dominance.  As a result, there is an emerging culture of political intolerance within the PPP/C, as it seeks to suppress dissent and alternative political voices that could erode its base. The paranoia and attacks by the ruling PPP/C will become more vicious especially considering that it holds a slender one-seat majority in the National Assembly.

The middle and petit-bourgeois classes in Guyana, however, are unlikely to be deterred by the PPP/C’s demonization. There are factions within these classes that are determined to carve out their own political space. If this space cannot be found within the established political parties, it will be pursued through the creation of new parties, no matter how small or marginal their support bases may initially be. Their persistence signals a growing push for political diversity and issue-driven politics, reflecting a possible long-term shift in the political landscape that may eventually challenge the dominance of ethnic politics in Guyana. The great pity is that these small parties overwhelmingly represent middle class and petit-bourgeois interests, abandoning working-class interests.  (The views expressed in this article are those of the author and do not necessarily reflect the opinions of this newspaper.)

 

 

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