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Donald Ramotar once asked me what is “the poetic essence of history”.

May 16, 2015 Features / Columnists, Freddie Kissoon

In a letter in the Kaieteur News, published several years ago, long before he became President, Donald Ramotar, inquired about something I wrote in one of my columns, “the poetic essence of history.”  I didn’t reply. I felt if I had defined the term, it would not have made an ounce of difference to Ramotar.
I didn’t offer a definition because (at the time) I felt Ramotar had become disrespectful of the poetic essence of history when in a conversation at Bakewell’s, he bluntly told me that the giant of a woman, Andaiye, a founding member of the Working People’s Alliance, was racist against Indian people.
I couldn’t believe what I heard. This woman was married to a white man, formed a political party that was multi-racial, and that party fought to weaken a Black-led government, working in fraternity with the PPP in the seventies and eighties. More importantly, I knew this woman close up and personal.
For someone like Ramotar who knew Andaiye as a fierce fighter to refer to her as a racist was an indication of a fallen mind.
But this was what the PPP had become – people who turned their back on history and would one day see the poetic essence of history cascading down right in front their eyes, banishing them into the dustbin of history. Observers are now urging the PPP to get on with the business of being in the opposition and work hard to the next election.
I don’t see the PPP surviving in a physiological state that would allow it to be an energized competitor in the next election in 2020. In my column of December 19, 2014 titled, “The PPP will physically die should it lose power,” I explained why the PNC survived after 1992, but the PPP will not after May 2015.
Here is what I wrote back then. “There is the inevitable judicial inquiry from which the PPP will not escape. The PPP will not survive the findings. The skullduggery involving murder, corruption, land-grabbing, sexual criminalities, judicial venalities, racial preferences, personal abominations will degut the PPP.
Many of the fulcrums on which the PPP now stands, will be dissolved if the PPP loses power. Gone will be the Rice Producers’ Association, GAWU, NAACIE, the millions that come from favoured contractors, criminalized businessmen, and the debauched nouveau riche. These funds when they go, will literally wipe out the resource base of a fallen political party. There is absolutely none with any kind of talent or skills in the PPP to maintain its existence as an opposition political entity.
Once the PPP falls from power, it will die. All PPP leaders are scared of this reality.” Ramotar has days (maybe even a day) remaining before he moves out of the presidential compound. As his car drives out, he will not look back because if he does, he will see the poetic essence of history printed graphically in the court yard of the presidential secretariat.
I didn’t want to explain to Ramotar what the term meant, because one day I know he would have seen the poetic essence of history unfolding before his very eyes. The bestial, sadistic levels to which the PPP descended under Jagdeo when Ramotar was General-Secretary of the PPP, were bound to come back to haunt them
Now it is haunting them. Ramotar doesn’t need someone to explain to him what the
poetic essence of history means. He just has to study the percentage of politics and the politics of percentage, and he will see the poetic essence of history. In 2011, he lost the election by one parliamentary seat and he governed.
In 2015, he lost the election by one parliamentary seat again, but this time history has stepped in. Ramotar wants to rule once more with his one percent loss. History told him that this is not the way history works. Ramotar got 32 seats and he ruled. This time, history will not repeat itself   History catches up with you one day. It has caught up with Ramotar.
Mr. Ramotar believes history is like the Guyanese people that he and his benefactor, Jagdeo, can pulverize, bend and shape to their liking. In 2011, Ramotar became President. The International Observers said that the 2011 elections were fair. In 2015, the International Observers made the same pronouncement but Ramotar rejects it
Suppose one tells Ramotar that the 2011 elections were not free and fair and that he had three years of free, illegal power. What would he say? Was the 2001 election free and fair? It was and so was the 2015 one. Give up Mr. Ramotar!

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