Dr. Jagan made sincere efforts to unite the political Opposition

Dec 30, 2013 Letters

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Dear Editor,
This is in reference to letters by Eusi Kwayana, Ralph Ramkarran and others relating to the effort of the People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) to field a consensus candidate against the People’s National Congress (PNC) in 1992 and the offers to the Working People’s Alliance (WPA) for a Cabinet berth.
Several of us from New York involved in the liberation movement (Vishnu Bisram, Ravi Dev, Dr Baytoram Ramharack, and Vassan Ramracha, among others) made trips to Guyana and met the political figures to help fashion a united opposition. We even met in Trinidad and Tobago with some of the Guyanese political figures regarding this noble cause.
Dr Fenton Ramsahoye was also quietly figured in the discussions. Based on recollection of information provided to me by various individuals, the PPP/C went out of its way to accommodate the WPA that was opposed to him for ethnic reasons (he won’t attract African voters). As Ramkarran stated, it was well known that the WPA was adamantly opposed to Dr Jagan as the presidential candidate, arguing that he would not be able to bring African voters on board to support an electoral alliance to defeat the PNC.
The WPA proposed Ashton Chase, among others, as a consensus presidential candidate. Dr Clive Thomas may also have been proposed (I stand to be corrected). The PPP/C initially insisted on Dr Jagan being the consensus candidate (with Dr Thomas as the prime ministerial candidate), but later yielded and offered Dr Roger Luncheon and/or Bishop Randolph George as consensus candidates.
The PPP/C wanted a united slate to contest the election. In my meeting with him at Freedom House, Dr Jagan told me he and his party were prepared to yield on the issue of a presidential candidate, but insisted that the PPP/C be given a majority of seats. His preference for the post was Bishop George, whom he thought would attract a lot of African support.
The PPP/C was offered an unrealistic 20 per cent or 25 per cent of the seats – WPA officials told me that number approximated the political support of the PPP/C, although the Turkeyen Research and Polling Institute (TRPI) poll showed the PPP/C with about 45 per cent support (PPP/C ended with 53 per cent in the election).
There were also sticking points about the number two and number three positions in the consensus ticket. Paul Tennassee of the Democratic Labour Movement (DLM) was offered a vice president (or deputy prime ministerial) position. Some PPP/C stalwarts were opposed to such a prominent position for Tennassee.
Other offers were made to the United Republican Party (URP) and other constituents of the People’s Coalition for Democracy (PCD) to keep them on board. According to Cheddi, the main sticking point was over seat distribution, as he told me he was prepared to bury his political ambition of being president.
The WPA, I was told by lesser PPP/C officials, wanted an unrealistic 20 per cent of seats, equal to the PPP/C, although the TRPI opinion poll showed it having only three per cent support (ending up with two per cent in the election).
Bisram, Dev and others, separately or together, held back and forth meetings (serving as unofficial intermediaries) with the political leaders (Kwayana, Dr Thomas, Rupert Roopnaraine, Tennassee, Vishnu Bandhu, Dr Leslie Ramsammy and Llewelyn John, among others) of the parties, but could not convince them to compromise on seat allocations and positions.
The late Doodnauth Singh also was approached by Bandhu, Dev, myself and others to help broker a deal. He also threw up his hands in frustration. The idea of a dream consensus coalition collapsed.
Subsequently, I met Cheddi and he told me he was still prepared to accept Clive as his number two. But the WPA turned it down. Kwayana, in an interview with me for an article, told me the position was offered to Clive and not the WPA. It was for me a petty distinction.
Some time later, I met Dr Thomas at his University of Guyana (UG) office and revealed to him Dr Jagan’s offer. Clive was praiseworthy of Cheddi and thanked him for his generous offer‚ but said he was not interested in the prime ministerial position and instead suggested Dr Luncheon’s name, noting that “Roger” was far more deserving because of his unswerving loyalty to the PPP/C.
Jagan and the PPP/C, wanting to expand their ethnic base, opted for Sam Hinds, who was with the Guyana Action for Reform and Democracy (GUARD), as his number two, as well as other prominent individuals under the “Civic” component. All this time, abroad, our liberation forces were waging an unrelenting campaign for free and fair elections, especially America.
The U.S. had sounded a warning to the Desmond Hoyte regime to stage a free election. As it became clear a free election would be held, the PPP/C hardened its position on an alliance, recognising it would win on its own. The WPA and other members of the PCD failed to read the ground reality of their political support once free and fair elections were held.
I went back to Cheddi urging him to find a way to bring in Dr Thomas, recognising his importance in an alliance and as a way to unite the races. He told me he and his party had already committed to Sam and could not go back on his word.
The WPA decided to contest the elections on its own with Clive as the presidential candidate and Rupert as the number two. At the polls, the electorate voted along ethnic lines and the WPA was humiliated‚ just barely winning one national seat with Clive and Rupert serving half a term each.
After the election, I went to Cheddi and asked him to offer cabinet berths and other positions to the WPA. He said he could not offer the Finance Ministry to Clive because he had already committed it to Asgar Ally, who was serving in the position. Instead, he offered the Planning and Development Ministry to Dr Thomas and had left the position vacant for him and asked if I can have a conversation with Clive to accept it. I faintly recall meeting Clive and his gently refusing the position, suggesting other names.
I also discussed the matter with Eusi at Rodney House, suggesting the WPA accept Cheddi’s offer. Eusi made a fine distinction of a ministry being offered to Dr Thomas and not to the WPA. It was clear to me that the WPA was not interested in joining the government with this petty distinction. However, I was told several WPA figures did serve on state boards.
As the above illustrates, Dr Jagan did make consistent efforts to unite the opposition to contest the 1992 election as well as to offer it positions in order to create national ethnic unity. But he did not find much co-operation from the WPA and should not be faulted for lack of ethnic unity and the kind of governance that followed his demise.
As Ramkarran noted, the political situation in Guyana would have been far different if Clive had accepted the prime ministerial position. The WPA and other parties paid a heavy price for not being pragmatic and the nation has become victims of those who were unwilling to accept Cheddi as the rightful presidential candidate. Neither the URP nor the DLM were opposed to Cheddi being the presidential candidate.
Lionel Peters, Moses Nagamootoo, Tennassee, Wazir Mohammed and Nigel Westmaas among other outstanding revolutionaries are far more familiar with the discussions on the consensus candidate and may wish to add to the issue.
Vishnu Bisram

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