BRICS progress

Apr 06, 2012 Editorial

Last month the BRICS (Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa) had their fourth leadership Summit. But with all of their obvious potential on the world stage, many analysts still debate whether the grouping should even exist in the first place.
Most western commentators argue the five member-nations’ national interests diverge too greatly for the group to agree on anything. They have every reason to worry: If the BRICS were able to articulate a common position on virtually any global issue, they would immediately become a global agenda-setter, with the capacity to seriously challenge the established powers’ control over the global discourse.
It is true that the major challenge for BRICS has always been, and continues to be, the articulation of a common vision. Without the ability to find a common denominator, there is little reason to organize yearly summits to debate global issues. From the very beginning, critics of the BRICS outfit have argued that such a vision was an impossible dream.
Yet most observers overlook the great progress BRICS have already made since their first meeting in Russia in 2009. Each year, the BRICS summits have become more productive, even as the scope of issues discussed has continuously expanded. Last year’s summit in China was remarkable because South Africa’s inclusion turned out to be a success, further bolstering the BRICS’ global legitimacy. In addition, China and Russia came close to supporting India and Brazil’s bid for permanent membership on the UN Security Council, a position that had been unthinkable a short time ago.
Furthermore, as shown in the just concluded summit, the BRICS members are slowly beginning to institutionalize their ties. Aside from a BRICS development bank, a common stock exchange, and the elimination of investment barriers and cooperation on maritime security, the BRICS members sought to build a common regulatory framework to boost intra-BRICS trade. While China has strong ties to the other four members, trade between the latter is extremely low, with great potential for growth. Steps were also taken to increase civil society ties, which also remain weak. Common platforms for research institutes and NGOs will create more opportunities to exchange best practices on common challenges such as inequality, pollution, poverty reduction, universal health care and education.
This is not to say there aren’t differences between the five member-nations. For instance, while Brazil, India and South Africa are pushing for a significant redistribution of power in global institutions, China and Russia are status-quo powers that are reluctant to change a system that has served them so well over the past few decades.
Similarly, whereas India, Brazil, and South Africa all abstained from the U.N. Security Council resolution on Syria, and thus allowed the Western powers to approve it, Russia and China vetoed it. Some analysts seize upon these disparities to question the utility of the BRICS grouping. This, however, ignores the fundamental reality that internal differences create friction in all interstate groupings.
Many observers also err in viewing the BRICS as a potential alliance intent on upending the prevailing global order. Once again, the truth is more complex. Rather than turning into a “NATO of the South” or a European Union–type grouping, BRICS is perhaps more interested in less rigid models like those of the G-7 or the Organization for European Economic Cooperation. At the same time, given its unique history and geographic characteristics, BRICS will have to chart its own path.
Internal differences in some areas do not reduce the utility of the BRICS concept as a whole. Quite to the contrary, different points of view, a commitment to free debate and a willingness to learn from each other are key reasons why the BRICS’s continued existence makes a great deal of sense.
Even as the world becomes increasingly multi-polar, the global debate remains dangerously one-sided and centred on Western points of view. This not only negatively impacts the emerging powers, but equally affects the established powers, which are unable to properly engage rising actors and convince them to assume greater responsibility.

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