Latest update December 18th, 2024 5:45 AM
Jan 08, 2012 News
By Michael Benjamin
Voting at the National and Regional elections, once characterized by ethnic affiliation and to some extent, selfish considerations, has taken a definitive twist, and for the first time in Guyana’s political history the electorate has opted for policies and voted in favour of inclusivity, long beseeched under a model of constitutional democracy.
Obviously, the 2010 elections, touted as the most definitive in this fledgling democracy, underlined the younger generation as the definitive force and indeed, with merely second hand details of the ‘dreaded days under the PNC government,’ this group was hardly interested in those sordid details and entered the polling stations clearly cognizant of the lopsided and partisan policies of the incumbency and voted accordingly.
This attitude contradicted those practiced by hardliners who, despite the debilitating effects of the partisan ideologies of the incumbency, blindly kept them in power. Many were hardly concerned with real issues or the negative impact of the decisions made by government; they were merely concerned with the upkeep of a tradition of voting through entrenched cultural ideologies.
Historical data that chronicled the existence of the two major parties, the PPP and PNC, underlined the one-party structure, despite ethnic differences. The PPP was the original group, with the late Cheddi Jagan as the top man and the late LFS Burnham as his deputy. The acrimony that divided these two politicians is well documented and those well read on politics could fill in the details that led to the intervention of the American government that relegated the PPP to the opposition with the newly formed PNC, under the Burnham leadership, taking over the reins of power when Guyana attained independence from the British.
The Americans were fearful of Jagan’s communistic ideals and his relations with other such nations like Cuba and the Soviet Republic and so the PNC, led by Burnham was gifted the Presidency despite a larger concentration of Indian nationals among the electorate.
The PPP remained adamant that it would regain office only with free and fair elections and toiled for 28 years until 1992 when the PNC, under the leadership of Hugh Desmond Hoyte, acquiesced to the presence of several international observer groups that included former American President, Jimmy Carter. Those elections defined the democratic political landscape and propelled the PPP back into the seat of governance.
Though some may differ with this perspective, one cannot dispel the discontent and anger experienced by a large majority of Africans who felt that their interests were not best served by the PPP-led administration. As such, governance was stymied by protests, boycotts and a general atmosphere of rebellion which eventually resulted in a court ruling and a shortened term of office for the incumbents following vitiation of the 1997 elections.
The PPP, whether because of the statistical majority of Indian supporters or their inherent policies, rebounded strongly and won every single election thereafter. In the meantime, the PNC experimented with several strategies to woo the majority in their corner. The enactment of a reform component was regarded as a master stroke since the move incorporated a wide cross section of civil society with an all-inclusive agenda. If the results of that election are used as the yardstick, the electorate refused to buy in to the ploy, and once again the PPP was reelected.
The acrimony between the opposition groups and the incumbency continued unabated especially under the Janet Jagan government and subsequently, Bharrat Jagdeo rule. The PNC Reform also hit a brick wall after several members of the Reform component opted out following the failed bid of Vincent Alexander to the leadership seat. Then there was the Raphael Trotman/Hoyte imbroglio which preceded the Vincent Alexander brouhaha. The general consensus then was that the PNC under Robert Corbin was doomed into political oblivion.
Whether it was a rabbit out of their hat or a well constructed move, the PNC held its General Congress where several prominent politicians contested for the leadership. Politicians of integrity the likes of Carl Greenidge, Faith Harding and David Granger contested, with the latter politician acceding to the helm. David Granger’s entry into hardcore politics was criticized in some quarters while others dismissed his presence as another PNC dream vision. Quietly, unobtrusively and without much fanfare, the former Brigadier of the Guyana Defence Force was installed into the central political mix even as elections loomed.
No one could deny the intense, intelligent and well structured campaign conducted by Mr. Granger nor his acute administrative proclivities that shone out during the election period. He refused to descend into gutter politics, despite being harangued by his opponents.
Also notably, Mr. Granger conducted a campaign devoid of adequate funds, but astutely utilized the available internet and other technologies to fill the financial void. Admittedly, his impact on the electorate was also enhanced by the large numbers that felt excluded from national resources and were willing to effect the necessary change but for the unavailability of someone of astute leadership abilities. Mr. Granger presented that option.
The results of those elections are historic, since for the first time in the history of this nation the opposition forces control the National Assembly. Mr. Granger failed to win the Presidency but undeniably, his influence and administrative savvy has created a political first and what could reasonably be regarded as the closest to the power sharing model being sought.
Parliament will soon convene and each political group will be constrained to discuss all statutes and legislative policies and then vote on what is best for the nation. Certainly, the one party, totalitarian arrangement has been dispelled in one fell swoop. President Ramotar is in a unique position to effectively start a reconciliatory, all-inclusive process where all citizens will experience a feeling of belonging; where the country’s resources must be enjoyed by all groups. This will not be an easy task especially when one considers that we are operating within a plural society and with groups of distinct cultures, beliefs and wants.
Indeed, the electorate has placed our politicians before the firing squad and they must deliver. The next year or so will certainly define the fate of this nation. All must now bend their backs towards the goal of unity and production, otherwise we must resigned ourselves to the most horrible of fates, irrespective of which political, party we support.
Dec 18, 2024
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