Latest update April 11th, 2025 9:20 AM
Mar 11, 2011 Features / Columnists, Freddie Kissoon
President Jagdeo openly told the Guyanese people that he knew that Captain David Clarke was a rogue soldier who was involved in perverted activities when he was in charge of GDF troops in Buxton during the crime spree (2002-2006).
For that reason, he could not, as Head of the Defence Force, approve a foreign scholarship for Clarke. The President is also on record as saying that he has video footage of major politicians in the opposition in league with criminal elements in Buxton during that period.
A further presidential revelation was made last week. Mr. Jagdeo said that security operations to eradicate the violent gunmen in Buxton could have been successful much earlier but certain top officers in the police hierarchy were deliberate hindrances.
Ask any analyst to make sense of this in the context of the ubiquity of Roger Khan in that very time-span and you will be told that there must be embarrassment for Mr. Jagdeo. So the President was aware who Clarke was and his illegal operations. He has evidence of an alliance of opposition politicians and Buxton-based gunmen and finally, he knows about senior police officials who stymied the strategy to capture “Fineman” and his accomplices.
The President’s knowledge of Roger Khan is not scanty but maybe non-existent. Research reveals that Mr. Khan was arrested by an army patrol on the Railway Embankment with sophisticated electronic eavesdropping gadgets, one of which was a laptop that monitored the contents and places of origin of cell phone conversations.
It was established that he was conducting surveillance on the Buxton-based gunmen. Secondly, it was revealed in testimony in a US court that the laptop was of a spy nature so it could only have been sold to governments. Incontrovertible testimony in the US court pointed to Cabinet Minister, Dr Leslie Ramsammy being the person who negotiated the purchase.
Mr. Khan told the media that he used his own resources to confront the violent men in Buxton and that he assisted the US Embassy in locating its kidnapped employee Mr. Lesniak, abducted and held in that village by those very men.
Finally, Mr. Khan was a large-scale investor, who at the time of his arrest, was in the process of finalizing the legal ownership of vast forestry resources in the Essequibo. Against this background, the President and his Cabinet are on record as saying that they never actively knew Khan, much less have any kind of relationship with him.
This is material from a novel, the type you buy from the supermarket counter. The Head of Government knows about rouge army and police personnel who were aligned with the Buxton marauders. He has footage of politicians wrapped up in the arms of those violent gang members in Buxton, but he has no knowledge of the man who was fighting the gang.
There are some more secrets the President has. He is aware of corruption in the mining industry but didn’t share the secrets with Mr. William Woolford, head of the Guyana Geology and Mines Commission. When Mr. Woolford stated that he knows of no such corruption and would like the evidence, he is targeted for dismissal.
Yet another secret is a request from a certain government to Mr. Jagdeo for the arrest of the Surinamese President, Desi Bouterse. Mr. Jagdeo will not identify the foreign government.
Angry at Mr. Robert Corbin’s assertion that the President sought legal advice on the possibility of running again for the presidency, Mr. Jagdeo challenged Corbin to name the lawyers he met with. The phantasmagoria of secrets was about to end. Mr. Corbin advanced a quid pro quo formula. They both (Corbin and Jagdeo) would exchange information. Corbin would name the lawyers; Jagdeo, the opposition politicians who were embedded with criminals in Buxton.
It didn’t come off. Mr. Jagdeo wasn’t forthcoming.
I guess we will have to wait for Mr. Jagdeo to write his memoirs. Before that happens, the WikiLeaks cables may tell us a few things about Khan and his presence in the corridors of power. There are cables on Guyana in the WikiLeaks trough. Some of them have to be on Roger Khan and his escapades, adventures, connections and dramas in Guyana.
We still have a few months to go before the elections, so some more secrets in the Mephistophelian vault will come tumbling out. But will we have them explained to us? Or will we just hear that usual refrain – “I have a secret but I cannot tell you.” In the meantime, can someone give Mr. Woolford the evidence on corruption?
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