Columnists presenting unverified information

Aug 14, 2009 Letters

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Dear Editor
The increasing use of mayhem to distort the work and achievements of the democratically-elected People’s Progressive Party/Civic (PPP/C) Government has long become the norm.
And use of the race card for some time now has turned out to be the mask for this unrelenting political mischief, especially articulated through the media. What is the reason for this mischief? Clearly, the raison d’être has to do with undermining this Government and rewrite the political history of this country.
Mr. Freddie Kissoon and other critics have the right to attack the Government, the Jagans, etc., since the Constitution of Guyana allows them to make their remarks.  However, Freddie Kissoon’s remarks give people the impression that this Government never effected any accomplishments, as if the Government’s performance is non-existent, and zero.
And we now hear from some of these critics that Guyana is an elected dictatorship, others say it is becoming a ‘creeping dictatorship’, and bedeviled by ethnic discrimination. It’s not surprising that some of these commentators who worked under the PNC regime failed to utilise these terms; not unexpected because they seem unable today to distinguish between a dictatorship and a thriving democracy.
If this Government were truly an elected dictatorship, then why is Guyana witnessing today increasing media freedom within a democratic political framework? Today, Guyana can boast of explicit free press and free speech. The international Freedom House ranks Guyana’s status on freedom as ‘free’ on civil liberties and political rights; Guyana has over 23 TV stations, four daily newspapers, use of the internet unrestricted, and a barrage of magazines, etc, where there is no application of censorship. This is just part of the democratic build-up where several policy areas mirror inclusivity.
The evidence clearly shows, too, that Guyana has a parliamentary democracy in both form and content, albeit, a fragile one. This Government has a built-in public opposition, presents itself for election every five years with multiparty involvement, where there is an independent elections commission, where political power is not wielded by one person, where there are recognised limits to the Government’s authority, and where the Government does not even come close to regulating all aspects of people’s lives.
Advancing democracy requires expansion of inclusivity in governance. And constitutional amendments have now placed Guyana’s Constitution on the international stage as one of the most people-oriented, in relation to inclusivity and Opposition involvement in governance.
Constitutional amendments also have furthered inclusivity, contrary to the erroneous view that this Government has not amended the 1980 Constitution. Some amendments now follow.
The President’s powers were reduced, and his term of office now limited to two. Note the limits on the President’s powers through Articles 90, 180, and 182 of the Guyana Constitution. And these Commissions are now in place: Ethnic Relations; Procurement; Rights of the Child; and Integrity. Parliamentary Sectoral Committees now review Government’s policy in the social, economic, foreign, and natural resources sectors. There are the Parliamentary Management Committee, and the Standing Committee on Constitutional Reform; this Parliamentary Committee System has membership drawn from both the Government and Opposition; inclusivity in action; shared governance! But, perhaps, they are not at the maturity stage as yet.
Earlier, the Jagdeo-Hoyte dialogue drove inclusivity through these bi-partisan committees: Local Government Reform; Border & National Security; Distribution of Land & House lots; Resuscitation of the Bauxite Industry; Depressed Communities’ Needs; Broadcast & Radio Monopoly & Non-partisan Boards. And the post of Head of the Public Service was distinguished from the post of Head of the Presidential Secretariat. In addition, State Boards and Commissions include PNCR and other Opposition representatives.
Notwithstanding that this list is not exhaustive, surely, this is a large arsenal of inclusivity; a huge reserve of shared governance in action. This abundance of inclusivity certainly disavows  the disingenuous arguments that Guyana’s social infrastructures have adopted dictatorial and racist practices. This Government continues to deepen inclusivity, a process that is evolving. And the greater the inclusivity, the greater will be democracy and development.
Today, many comments on Guyana’s development fail to appreciate the implications of a huge debt burden; and the nine or 10 years subsequent to 1992 that elapsed before Guyana could reach financial viability. And so, given the lead time for the realisation of financial viability under the PPP/C’s watch, we are looking at less than 10 years when it comes to reviewing this country’s developmental gains. The critics have no comments on the time it took to reach financial viability; this was a period when little or no revenue was available for social sector development and physical infrastructure development.
The World Bank Group Report (1994), referring to the 1988-1992 period, noted “The government’s capacity to deliver essential services has virtually collapsed. Infrastructure remains severely dilapidated. The supply of potable water is limited to a small proportion of the population, drainage and irrigation systems have deteriorated to the point that they are no longer useful, and health and education services have become so inadequate that social indicators for the country have fallen to among the lowest in the Caribbean.” This Report, indeed, dismissed the so-called gains from the Economic Recovery Programme (ERP).
Mr. Kissoon should note Guyana’s increased CXC performance, now 80% compared to 47% in 1991; university education expanded into Berbice; more trained teachers, now 56% compared to 35% in 1991; greater secondary school enrolment now 72% compared to 35% in 1991; 84 new schools built; health physical infrastructures rebuilt – new hospitals at New Amsterdam, Georgetown, and Kamarang; high immunization rates among children now 95% compared to 65% in 1991; Infant Mortality Rate now 48 per 1,000 compared to 120 per 1,000 in 1991; maternal mortality rate now 11 per 1,000 compared to 34 per 1,000 in 1991; Prevention of Mother-to-Child Transmission of HIV/AIDS now with  sites; the 1951 Amerindian Act revised, and 50 Amerindian communities obtained titles and demarcation
And notwithstanding Kissoon and other critics’ perennial negative comments about the University of Guyana (UG),  and some of which might be true; I want to say that Government has taken a very positive step to move the University forward, with a new dispensation to restore the credibility of the University, nationally, regionally, and internationally.
This new dispensation at UG calls for a review of the Strategic Plan; make financing proposals for its Strategic Plan; seek out possible constraints that may affect the proper implementation of the Strategic Plan, and to recognise systemic weaknesses; identify ways in which UG can collaborate with the University of the West Indies to consolidate its Strategic Plan; and indeed, to improve UG’s quality of programms and subject areas.
Media editors in Guyana, too, have to be morally indicted for allowing a few columnists’ unsubstantiated anecdotes, more akin to gibberish, impugning the integrity of public figures and distorting political history. Opinions and commentaries must be held to the same standards of accuracy with regard to facts, as news reports. In Guyana, the Fourth Estate, the media, needs to engage in a journalism of verification and fact finding rather than in a journalism of allegations.
It is one thing to have an opinion about something; but another to present this opinion as a fact. Opinions are not necessarily facts.
I am not calling on the critics to provide plaudits to the Government, but the critics inclusive of Freddie Kissoon must be mindful of their allegory being presented as verified information, when this may not be the case.
Prem Misir

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